中东变局中的阿拉伯人身份认同研究

发布时间：2018-06-04 07:21

本文选题：中东变局 + 阿拉伯人　；参考：《上海外国语大学》2014年硕士论文

【摘要】：自2010年年底爆发大规模的民众抗议浪潮以来，在外部局势干预和内部骤变的共同影响下，中东地区局势陷入严重的对抗之中。在此过程中，阿拉伯各国发生了政坛地震，有些通过和平方式发生政权更迭，例如埃及和突尼斯；有些透过外部干预和斡旋调解迫使政权实现过渡，如也门；还有一些，通过激烈的暴力武装冲突，或者外部军事力量的直接干预，推翻原有政权，如利比亚；当然还有一些久拖不决，至今无解，例如叙利亚。这些已经发生变革的国家，并没有因为剧烈的革命而使局势焕然一些，反而陷入连环不断的动荡之中，例如埃及。还有一些国家也多少发生了国内政治的动荡，但尚未发生政权的更替，如巴林、阿尔及利亚等。中东变局的复杂形势，使我们对中东阿拉伯世界的阿拉伯人身份认同研究更加复杂和困难。这其中，既有突尼斯革命中青年群体的个人地位认同，也有利比亚内战中的部落认同；既有巴林动乱和叙利亚内战中的宗教派别认同，也有埃及后革命时代的教俗认同；既有伊拉克库尔德人的民族认同，也有也门领导人下台蕴藏的国家认同等等。就民族国家的属性而论，中东地区的现代国家大致可以分为阿拉伯国家和非阿拉伯国家。排除阿拉伯民族因素，中东变局中存在少数民族认同的因素，例如库尔德人问题。由于历史上对库尔德少数族裔的民族问题处置不当，该民族认同的矛盾长期困扰着伊拉克、土耳其、伊朗和叙利亚四个国家。尽管长期受到主体民族的不公正待遇，但是库尔德人一直保持强烈的民族认同感情，即与中央政权或者主体民族保持距离感，或称为剥离感，当这种距离感累积到一定程度，就会爆发因民族主义排斥运动而产生的民族独立或者民族自觉倾向。这种民族认同与国家认同相冲突时，会导致国家认同的消弭，即产生造成分裂国家的活动。对于阿拉伯个体国家而言，他们始终无法摆脱本国利益与阿拉伯世界共同利益、伊斯兰世界国别差异与共同属性等的纠葛，也长期饱受本国民族主义与泛阿拉伯主义之间意识形态上的差异的困扰。这些因素综合到一起，就形成了阿拉伯个体国家的认同多元化趋势。这种趋势迫使阿拉伯人的身份认同具有阿拉伯、伊斯兰以及民族国家等等多重特征。因为存在上述多重特征背景下的多种利益诉求的驱使，阿拉伯人在一个原本简单的地理环境中，衍生出许多复杂的身份认同形式。我们按照影响身份认同的多维因素，例如语言、宗教、部族等，将中东变局中的身份认同分为超国家认同、国家认同和国家内认同三种。由于身份认同的多样性，阿拉伯国家亦不可避免的需要面对身份认同困境带来的挑战。现在中东各阿拉伯国家仍旧身陷动荡的漩涡之中无法脱身，但是对于这些国家的建构者以及领袖们而言，要处理好这些相互交织且有可能相互排斥的身份认同因素，思路是清晰不过的，，但道路是漫长且艰巨的。首先，培养公民主要是青年群体的国家认同感，又要合理搭配好国家内认同各要素的互动关系，使这两者形成有效的联动；其次，努力消除民族认同对国家认同的负面影响，着力实现各阶层、各身份之间的良性互动。一般认为，良性的国家认同需要有建立在合法性基础之上的强硬的政治外壳做保障，同时要有富于凝聚力的柔软的文化内核。这样的一个国家实体才是富有生命力和正能量的社会。但是要实现这样的架构，阿拉伯世界各国有太长的路要走。
[Abstract]:Since the outbreak of mass protests at the end of 2010, the situation in the Middle East has fallen into a serious confrontation in the Middle East under the common influence of external situation intervention and internal sudden change. In this process, political earthquakes occurred in Arabia countries, some of the peaceful means of political power change, such as Egypt and Tunisia; some through the outside. The intervention and mediation of mediation have forced the regime to achieve a transition, such as Yemen, and the overthrow of the original regime, such as Libya, through violent armed conflicts or direct intervention by external military forces, such as Libya, of course, for example, Syria. The revolution has made the situation a little more, instead of falling into continuous turmoil, such as Egypt, and some of the country's political upheavals, but there has been no change of power, such as Bahrain, Algeria, etc.
The complex situation of the change in the Middle East makes it more complicated and difficult for us to study the Arabian identity in the Middle East and Arabia world, in which there are both the personal identity of the youth group in the Tunisian revolution and the tribal identity in the civil war in Libya, as well as the identity of the religious sects in the Bahrain turmoil and the civil war in Syria, as well as in Egypt. In the post revolutionary era, there was a recognition of religion and customs, both ethnic identity of Iraqi Kurds and national identity of Yemen leaders.
As far as nation-state attributes are concerned, the modern countries in the Middle East can be roughly divided into Arabia countries and non Arabia countries.
The ethnic identity of the Middle East is excluded from the ethnic factors of the Arabia, such as the Kurdish problem. Because of the improper disposition of the ethnic minority problems of the Kurdish minority, the contradiction of the national identity has long been troubled by the four countries of Iraq, Turkey, Iran and Syria. But the Kurds have always maintained a strong national identity, that is, the sense of distance from the central government or the main nation, or the sense of divestiture. When this sense of distance accumulates to a certain extent, the national independence or national self-consciousness of the nationalist exclusion will erupt. This national identity and national recognition will be recognized. Conflict in the same direction will result in the elimination of national identity, that is, the activities that lead to secession.
For the individual countries of Arabia, they have always been unable to get rid of their national interests and the common interests of the Arabia world. The entanglement of the national differences and common attributes of the Islamic world, and the ideological differences between national nationalism and the pan Arabia doctrine have long been plagued by the differences between the national nationalism and the pan Arabia doctrine. These factors have formed the Arabia. The trend of identity pluralism in individual countries has forced Arabic identity to have multiple characteristics such as Arabia, Islam and nation states.
The Arabs have derived a lot of complex forms of identity in a simple geographical environment, driven by the various interest demands under the above multiple characteristics.
According to the multidimensional factors that affect identity, such as language, religion, tribe and so on, we divide the identity of the Middle East into super national identity, national identity and national identity in three kinds.
Because of the diversity of identity, Arabia countries also inevitably have to face the challenges of identity plight. Now Arabia countries in the Middle East are still trapped in a turbulent whirlpool, but for the constructors and leaders of these countries, they have to deal with these intertwined and likely to be mutually exclusive. The factors of identity are clear and clear, but the road is long and arduous. First, the cultivation of citizens is mainly the national identity of the youth group, and a reasonable collocation of the interaction relationship between the elements in the country, so that the two can form an effective linkage. Secondly, to eliminate the negative impact of national identity on national identity. It is generally believed that a healthy national identity needs a strong political shell built on the basis of legitimacy, and a cohesive and soft cultural core. A national entity is a society rich in vitality and positive energy. But this is to be realized. The architecture of Arabia has a long way to go.
【学位授予单位】：上海外国语大学
【学位级别】：硕士
【学位授予年份】：2014
【分类号】：G137

【参考文献】