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公共领域视角下的俄罗斯互联网

发布时间:2018-05-10 10:06

  本文选题:哈贝马斯 + 公共领域 ; 参考:《华东师范大学》2013年硕士论文


【摘要】:俄罗斯2011年的杜马选举和2012年的总统选举都已结束,“王车易位”在大家的意料之中,但在选举过程中的众声喧哗里,来自网络空间的声音引起分析者们极大地兴趣。 俄罗斯政府虽然对传统媒体(纸媒、电视、广播等)有一系列比较严格的审查制度,但是其互联网空间还是相有相当的自由度。选举过程中,政党以及候选人通过网站,社交媒体等对自身进行政治推广,而选民也通过互联网获取政治“商品”并发表自己的政治声音。尤为引人关注的是,社交网络媒体在这次选举中的作用,无论是参选政党和候选人利用其吸引和团结支持者,反对者们屡屡披露选举内幕,还是选举结束后持续的抗议浪潮,随处可见社交媒体的身影。 研究当下的俄罗斯问题,特别是俄罗斯政治,互联网无疑是很好的切入点。首先是因为互联网空间的公开性。戈尔巴乔夫当年梦寐以求的“公开化”,现在似乎在信息技术的带领下逐渐成为现实。俄罗斯社会的内部参与者,可以在这种公开(也可能被某种程度上被限制)的环境中进行政治表达。而外部观察者,也可以轻易地获取这些资料和信息。过去的苏联学研究者,由于信息的不对称性,他们对问题的把握往往要建立在类似如侦探小说的“克林姆林宫学”的揣测上,犹如考古学般神秘。我们这一代的俄罗斯社会观察者真的非常幸运,因为可以通过互联网(甚至不用精通俄语)获取大量甚至是第一手的信息资源。第二、网络空间的公共性使其成为观察俄罗斯社会生活,特别是政治生活的绝佳场所。在苏格拉底的时代,要想真正了解雅典,就必须去他们的“辩论广场”。而在今天,要想真正了解俄罗斯,绝对不能忽视对互联网的观察。因为互联网本身就是一个大到无形的“辩论广场”——博客、社交网络、视频网站等等这些都为想要表达自己立场的政党、利益集团乃至个人提供了发声场所。更为重要的是,这个“广场”的入场费用相对低廉而且公平。没有雄厚的财力是不可能在传统媒体上造势,而在互联网空间里,一切皆有可能。 哈贝马斯1961年在《公共领域的结构性转型》中对公共领域(public sphere)的概念进行了界定——国家与市民社会的中间地带。构成公共领域的基本要素是具有批判意识的公众,拥有自由交流、充分沟通的媒介和能够形成公共舆论。哈贝马斯根据17、18世纪欧洲的历史社会风貌勾勒出的公共领域的图景,是一种排除了诸多干扰因素的理想状态,为我们理解公共领域的本质提供了便利。利用这种理论模型,可以对不同的社会形态的公共领域进行剖析。而曼纽尔·卡斯特尔(Manuel Castells)对网络社会(Network society)的定义让我们对当今所处的互联网时代的种种特征有了清晰的解读。 本文试图从公共领域的角度,研究俄罗斯互联网与俄罗斯政治生态系统的互动,进而探寻俄罗斯的网络空间是否具有公共领域特性。首先从政治,媒介和公民三个维度对存在于网络空间里的公共领域的参与进行分析。然后通过测量2011年俄罗斯国家杜马主要参选政党官方网站内容输出情况,论述国家与互联网的政策关系,以及借助于对俄罗斯民众通过网络组织的集体行动和抗议运动的剖析,展示俄罗斯互联网所具有的公共领域属性。
[Abstract]:Russia's 2011 Duma election and the 2012 presidential election were all over. "King car translocation" was expected, but in the crowd noise in the election process, the voice of the cyberspace aroused great interest from analysts.
Although the Russian government has a series of strict censorship systems for traditional media (paper media, television, radio, etc.), the Internet still has a considerable degree of freedom. In the course of the election, political parties and candidates are promoting their own administration through websites, social media and so on, and voters also get political "commodity" through the Internet. In particular, the role of social network media in the election, whether it is the political parties and candidates to use its attraction and solidarity supporters, the opponents repeatedly disclosing the election, or the continuing wave of protest after the election, can be seen everywhere.
The study of the current Russian problem, especially in Russian politics, is undoubtedly a good point. First, the openness of the Internet space. The "openness" that Gorbachev had dreamed of in the same year seemed to become a reality under the guidance of information technology. The internal participants of Russian Ross society could be in this public. Political expression in an environment that opens (and may be limited to some extent). And the external observer can easily get these information and information. Past Soviet researchers, because of the asymmetry of information, are often based on the speculation of the "Kremlin" like a detective story. This is as mysterious as archaeology. The Russian social observer of our generation is really lucky to have access to a large number of even first-hand information through the Internet (and not even proficient in Russian). Second, the public nature of cyberspace makes it a great place to observe Russian social life, especially political life. In the era of La Di, to really understand Athens, they must go to their "debate square". And today, to really understand Russia, it is absolutely impossible to ignore the observation of the Internet. Because the Internet itself is an invisible "debate square" - blogs, social networks, video websites and so on. The political parties, interest groups and even individuals have provided a sound place for voice. More importantly, the entrance fee of this "square" is relatively cheap and fair. Without abundant financial resources, it is impossible to build up the traditional media, but in the Internet space, everything is possible.
In 1961, Habermas defined the concept of the public domain (public sphere) in the structural transformation of the public domain - the middle zone of the state and the civil society. The basic elements of the public sphere are the critical public, free communication, full media and public opinion. Habermas According to the picture of the public domain outlined in the history and society of Europe in the 17,18 century, it is an ideal state that excludes many disturbing factors and provides convenience for us to understand the nature of the public domain. By using this theoretical model, the public domain of different social forms can be analyzed. And Manuel Castle (Manuel Castells) the definition of Network society gives us a clear explanation of the characteristics of the Internet age.
This paper tries to study the interaction between Russian Internet and Russian political ecosystem from the perspective of public domain, and then to explore whether the Russian network space has the characteristics of the public domain. First, we analyze the participation of the public domain in the network space from three dimensions of politics, media and citizens. And then through the measurement of 2011. The Russian State Duma mainly selected the official website content of the political party, discussed the policy relationship between the country and the Internet, and demonstrated the public domain properties of the Russian Internet by analyzing the collective action and protest movement of the Russian people through the network.

【学位授予单位】:华东师范大学
【学位级别】:硕士
【学位授予年份】:2013
【分类号】:D751.2

【参考文献】

相关重要报纸文章 前1条

1 华东师范大学俄罗斯研究中心副主任 杨成;[N];文汇报;2011年



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