论韦伯与施米特对技术政治的批判

发布时间：2018-05-28 14:41

本文选题：技术政治 + 决断　；参考：《西南政法大学》2010年硕士论文

【摘要】： 技术政治,或者说将政治作为一种技术,是现代性之多重面向的一个极端表现。它至少给我们带来了两个层面的基本问题,包括：一方面,在中立化、知识化、技术化等纯粹形式的因素的严密禁锢下,政治被迫走向权力政治的反面,走向普遍平庸,这使得政治共同体无法走向兴盛；另一方面,作为头一个问题的必然结果,政治在沦为了一种空洞的形式后,随即引发了浪漫派用永恒交谈的口水将真正的决断溺死的可怖现象,现实对决断的热切需求也因此与技术政治构成了尖锐的矛盾,这使得政治共同体无法完成自保。对于技术政治的趋向、内在的逻辑缺陷以及由它所造成的前所未有的去政治化景象,韦伯和施米特都有着极其敏锐的察觉和深刻的剖析,他们极大地拓展了技术政治论的问题域,而在这个过程中,两人的关怀重点是十分接近的,处理问题的方式也多有耦合。据此,本论文正是以韦伯和施米特的理论脉络为分析骨干,通过对思想家真正的问题意识所在的认真发掘,以期能获得一种关于技术政治问题的历史性、原初性的理解。全文正文分为四个部分：第一部分以韦伯的关怀引出全文的问题。作为社会科学家的韦伯将时代的基本特征归结为全面理性化,政治也随之抽象化为一种技术政治。站在价值中立的立场上,韦伯对技术政治所支配的德国官僚政治的庸俗现状表示承认和理解,但作为德意志人的韦伯却因为这个现实难掩一种沉重的失落感。他迫切希望有真正的政治家能站出来,一扫官僚政治的积弊,带领德国重又跻身权力国家之列。政治家的产生需要有合适的制度环境,对此,韦伯先后寄望于议会制和总统普选制。第二部分首先阐述了韦伯对国家政治任务之看法的彻底改变。在欧战前,韦伯所关切的与其说是摧毁技术政治,不如说是怎样才能使德国在技术政治支配的世界格局中谋得一席之地,在他看来,既能拿取技术政治之利又能回避技术政治之祸的西方国家无疑是值得德国学习的榜样。但在欧战这场大国之战将所谓文明国家的冷酷本质彻底暴露于韦伯的眼前之后,他转而要求德国应当谋取另一种独特的政治文化,来与其他技术化的现代国家进行两种命运间的对抗。但天不假年,韦伯的思考未能更具体下去。施米特接续了韦伯的问题意识,且有相当大的创见。与韦伯对现代社会的理性化、技术化判断相呼应,施米特先是重述了四百年来中立化领域的历史变迁,指出技术和技术性所造成的中立化现今已经蔓延到了包括国家在内的一切领域,继而敏锐地觉察到,国家的中立化抹煞了政治与非政治在性质上的区分,并在德国引起了反决断之浪漫主义泛滥的不良现象。如上情形不仅模糊了对政治首先是一种生存斗争的认知,更阻碍了作为政治的先在范畴的决断之确立。对此,施米特的关键任务就是厘清政治领域诸概念,而这一切又都必须围绕决断来阐发。第三部分是对施米特决断论思想的具体展开。施米特所谓的决断可析为法学的决断、政治统一体的决断和主权者的决断三个维度,与本文主题有关的是后两者。政治统一体经由划分朋友和敌人的决断而获得自身统一的和公共的政治性,这种决断的资格就是战争法权,其既定义了政治统一体及其秩序,又必须由政治统一体专擅。政治统一体建构自身的行为由主权者以对法外之非常状态的决断来显现,此行为不仅证明了主权是事实上和法律上的最高正当权威,同时又揭示了政治国家与法律规范的真正关系,即决断建立法律,而不是相反。因此,决断的概念必须在生存的具体处境中来理解,反过来也可得出这样的结论,谁阻碍了这两种决断的作出,谁就是要取消政治统一体-主权者-民族国家这些政治范畴的生存权利,谁就是必须要被消灭的敌人。第四部分的内容阐述施米特在决断论的立场上对反决断的议会制和法治国理论的批判。议会制为技术政治所侵蚀,如今陷入了一种故意拖延决断和作假决断的境地,因而再无资格担当全民的代表。如果人们继续坐视议会斗争割裂政治共同体的肌理,继续坐视议会议而不决,最终将会导致政治共同体在关键时刻丧失决断敌友的政治能力而被消灭；要求政治消亡并用技术取而代之的还有形式主义的法治国理论。法治国理论认为法律在逻辑上可以将国家完全吞没,一切国家行为都应当以法律行为的面目出现,这也就等于否认了非常状态存在的可能性。由此出发,法治国必然天真地要求取消国家生活中的一切人格要素,取消主权者的决断及其本身的存在。这种偏颇的理论给政治实践带来的影响是极具破坏性的,它将魏玛政制引入了对一种中立的司法国的迷思——这正是魏玛民国的不归之途。
[Abstract]:Technical politics, or politics as a technology, is an extreme manifestation of the multiplicity of modernity. It brings us at least two basic problems, including: on the one hand, the strict prohibition of pure form factors such as neutralization, knowledge, technology and so on, political forces are forced to move towards the opposite side of power politics and go to the general. On the other hand, as the inevitable result of the first problem, the political community, on the other hand, became a hollow form and then triggered the horror of the Romantics who drowned the real decision in the mouth of the eternal conversation, and the realistic demand for the decision was made up with the technical politics. Sharp contradictions, which makes the political community unable to complete self-protection.
As for the trend of technical politics, the inherent logic defect and the unprecedented dispoliticization caused by it, Webb and Schmitt have extremely keen perceptive and profound analysis. They have greatly expanded the domain of technical politics. In this process, the focus of the two people is very close. According to this, this thesis is based on the theoretical skeleton of Webb and Schmitt as the backbone of the analysis, and through the earnest excavations of the real problem consciousness of the thinkers, in order to obtain a historical and original understanding of the technical and political problems. The text is divided into four parts:
The first part leads to the question of the full text with the concern of Webb. As a social scientist, Webb attributes the basic characteristics of the times to the overall rationalization and the political abstraction into a kind of technical politics. On the standpoint of value neutrality, Webb recognizes and understands the vulgar status of the political affairs of German officials, which are dominated by technical politics. Webb, a German man, has a heavy loss of sense of loss because of this reality. He is eager to have a real politician who can stand out, sweep the corruption of bureaucracy and lead Germany into a list of power countries. The emergence of a politician needs a suitable institutional environment. In this case, Webb successively hopes parliamentary system and President PU. Choose the system.
The second part first expounds the thorough change of Webb's views on the political mission of the country. Before the war, Webb was concerned about the destruction of the technical politics, and how it could make Germany get a place in the world pattern dominated by technology and politics. In his view, he could take both technical and political advantages and avoid technical politics. The misfortune of the western countries is undoubtedly a good example for German study. But after the war of the great power of Europe exposes the cool nature of the so-called civilized nation to Webb's eyes, he turns to Germany to seek another unique political culture to fight the two fate of other technicalization countries. In the last year, Webb's thinking failed to be more specific.
Schmitt took over Webb's problem consciousness and had considerable originality. It echoed Webb's rationalization and technical judgment of modern society. Schmitt first restated the historical changes in the field of neutralization in the past four hundred years, and pointed out that the neutralization of technology and technology has now spread to all fields, including the state, Then it is acutely aware that the neutralization of the state has erased the distinction between politics and non politics in nature, and in Germany has caused a bad phenomenon of the overflowing of Romanticism in the anti determination. As the above situation not only blurred the cognition of politics first, but also hindered the establishment of the first categorical decision for politics. Schmitt's key task is to clarify the concepts in the political field, which must be elucidated around decisions.
The third part is the concrete expansion of Schmitt's decision theory. Schmitt's so-called decision can be analyzed as the decision of the law, the decision of the political unity and the decision of the sovereign. The latter two are related to the theme of this article. The political unity obtains its own unity and public politics by dividing the decision of dividing friends and enemies. The qualification of this decision is the right of war, which not only defines the political unity and its order, but also has to be authorized by the political unity. The political unity is constructed by the political unity, which is manifested by the decision of the sovereign to the extraordinary state of the law, which not only proves the supreme and legal authority of the matter, but also the supreme authority of the law. The true relationship between the political state and the legal norms, that is, the decision to establish the law, is not the opposite. Therefore, the concept of decision must be understood in the specific situation of existence, and in turn can draw such a conclusion, who hinders the two decisions, and who is to remove the political unity - the Sovereign - national state. The right to exist is the enemy who must be annihilated.
The fourth part expounds Schmitt's criticism of the anti decisive parliamentary system and the theory of the rule of law in the position of the decisive theory. The parliamentary system is eroded by technical politics and is now in a situation where the decision is deliberately delayed and the decision is made, so it is no longer qualified to act as the representative of the whole people. The texture of the community, continuing to sit down with the conference, will eventually lead to the elimination of the political community in which the political community loses the political ability to determine the enemy and the enemy at a critical moment, and the theory of the rule of law that requires political demise and replaced by technology. The rule of law states that the law can completely swallow the state in logic. The act of state should all appear in the face of legal action, which is the same as denying the possibility of the existence of a very state. From this, the rule of law must naively demand the abolition of all personality elements in the country's life, the decision of the sovereign and its own existence. This biased theory has a great influence on political practice. Destructive, it introduced Weimar's political system into a myth of a neutral France, which is the way of Weimar's Republic of China's return.
【学位授予单位】：西南政法大学
【学位级别】：硕士
【学位授予年份】：2010
【分类号】：D0

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